“Urgent warning to the residents of southern Lebanon. The Israeli army will soon strike Hezbollah’s military infrastructure throughout the south.”
Such messages, posted on X by Avichay Adraee, the Israeli army’s Arabic-language spokesperson, have become a grim and familiar presence in southern Lebanon – prompts for families in border villages to flee their homes once again.
“Our suitcase is always ready in case we have to leave,” said Rim, a woman from the south, afraid of being forced back onto the road to protect her family.
Nearly a year on from the ceasefire that ended the war between Israel and Hezbollah, Israeli forces have continued near-daily bombardments across the south and the occupation of at least five areas. More than 300 people, including over 100 civilians, have been killed in Israeli strikes since 27 November 2024.
The attacks have made it too dangerous – and for many, impossible – for residents to return to their homes.
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According to Lebanon’s health ministry, Israel’s war displaced around 1.4 million people. Repeated air strikes left much of the south in ruins, destroying civilian infrastructure and essential public services, and preventing tens of thousands of residents from returning to their homes.
‘We trust neither the Lebanese army nor Unifil. Hezbollah is our only protection against Israel’
– villager, southern Lebanon
The World Bank estimates the damage at more than $11bn, with nearly three-quarters affecting housing and commercial areas. Yet reconstruction has been almost entirely stalled – hindered by a crisis-hit Lebanese state and the weakened capacity of Hezbollah, which can no longer undertake post-war rehabilitation as it once did.
The United States and several Western countries have meanwhile tied reconstruction aid to Hezbollah’s disarmament.
Near Nabatieh, Marwan, whose house did not survive the war, submitted a request to Hezbollah for financial assistance. He did receive a small sum, but it did not even cover half of the repair costs.
Any hope of resuming reconstruction is repeatedly shattered by new Israeli attacks. On 4 September 2025, air strikes targeted building material warehouses in Ansariyeh, about 20 kms south of Saida, destroying bulldozers, excavators and other equipment needed for rebuilding the devastated villages.
Intimidation
In the village of Yater, Mohammed, a farmer in his forties, bitterly recalls his return after the war. When he reached home, he found all his animals – 12 cows, 73 dogs and 45 beehives – killed in an Israeli air strike.
It was a devastating loss, and he has received no compensation. His face drawn with exhaustion and anger, Mohammed explained that he had to buy a few beehives with his own money to try to restart his livelihood.
He added that Israel has used white phosphorus to poison animals, destroy crops and contaminate farmland. Human rights organisations have documented multiple instances of the Israeli military’s unlawful use of white phosphorus in southern Lebanon, including in populated residential areas, during the war.
“By destroying our means of livelihood, they prevent us from returning home. We can no longer work.”
Tamimi, a shepherdess from Kfarchouba, a village less than five kilometres from the border, shares that anger.
“Israel is preventing us from accessing our lands,” she said.
Despite the ceasefire, she can no longer take her flock to graze in the mountains. At the slightest attempt, Israeli forces open fire without warning. Her animals are now confined to a small pen.
“We are suffering heavy losses. We have to buy feed to make up for the lack of grass,” she said, fatigue clouding her eyes.
Meanwhile in Khyam, a village heavily bombed during the war, Nabil made the difficult decision to return alone to reopen his butcher shop. His family remained in Jezzine, the Christian village where they took refuge last year.
“Someone has to work,” he said. With his home destroyed, Nabil now sleeps at friends’ houses.
The town, emptied of nearly half its population, no longer resembles the one he left. Where customers once queued outside his shop, he has now had to let go of his three employees.
Nevertheless, he considers himself relatively fortunate. “People still come to buy sandwiches, everyone has to eat. Those who sell clothes don’t have that luck,” he said, between two customers.
Psychological pressure
Beyond the fear of material destruction, residents of the border villages live under relentless psychological pressure. Every night, deafening Israeli air strikes aim to intimidate and prevent people from leaving their homes after dark, residents say, making daily life unbearable for those who remain.
“That is our daily life,” sighed Mona, a 60-year-old woman in Kfarchouba.
‘By destroying our means of livelihood, they prevent us from returning home. We can no longer work’
– Mohammed, farmer
Life in the village is marked by constant Israeli gunfire. People cannot venture out without risking being targeted by soldiers, who remain firmly entrenched in their positions.
When Hoda returned to her home in Khyam after months of forced exile, she found it covered in offensive Hebrew graffiti. “The Israelis occupied our houses and soiled them,” she said.
A few kilometres away, in Aitaroun, similar markings are visible. Stars of David, painted in blue, are scrawled on house facades, often accompanied by threatening messages left by Israeli soldiers: “Thank you for your welcome. We will be back.”
Samah, sitting on a tree with her eyes fixed on the sky where drones still buzz, lamented the emotional toll of the Israeli occupation.
Israel’s systematic destruction extends beyond homes, reaching cemeteries – the ultimate places of reflection and collective memory. In Khyam, graves have suffered damage, including that of journalist Issam Abdallah, a Reuters correspondent killed by an Israeli strike on 13 October 2023, which targeted a group of journalists covering the border situation.
An American project
During a recent visit to Lebanon, Tom Barrack, US President Donald Trump’s special envoy, presented a proposal for an economic zone in the south to attract investments from Gulf countries, particularly Qatar and Saudi Arabia. He tied the project’s implementation to the disarmament of Hezbollah, framing it as essential for stabilising the area and curbing Iranian influence.
Yet the plan also involves securing and evacuating border areas. Local officials warn it could amount to disguised expropriation, benefiting a zone controlled by foreign interests.
“This plan aims to force people to permanently leave their lands,” said Ahmad Ghanem, a Kfarchouba official closely familiar with the project’s details.
Conversely, Richard, an Orthodox Christian from Marjayoun – a predominantly Christian town near the Israeli border – sees things differently.
Seated in his living room, he said without hesitation, “Peace can only be built on solid economic foundations.”
He regards the project as an opportunity to revitalise the region. “It’s a peace plan that can bring the south back to life,” he said – an optimism sharply at odds with the reality facing many residents threatened with potential expropriation.
Hezbollah’s weapons
Another source of tension is Hezbollah’s disarmament. In early September, the Lebanese army presented a plan to disarm the party by the end of 2025 – a proposal firmly rejected by Hezbollah.
In Yater, as in many southern villages, portraits of the party’s assassinated leader, Hassan Nasrallah, still cover the walls and the few shops that survived the destruction. A year after his killing during an Israeli raid in the southern suburbs of Beirut on 27 September 2024, Nasrallah’s image remains intact, and Hezbollah supporters continue to revere him.
‘How can we allow a coloniser to occupy our lands? Even with martyrs, we will not leave’
– elderly resident, Khyam
In a village slightly further north, a group of young men expressed their views clearly. “We trust neither the Lebanese army nor Unifil. Hezbollah is our only protection against Israel,” one said.
Most shared this sentiment. While they acknowledge that Hezbollah may eventually need to disarm, the current context makes that impossible.
“Sooner or later, it will have to happen. But without clear guarantees from Israel, we cannot do without their armed presence,” said a resident who wished to remain anonymous.
Unifil has recorded nearly 7,000 Israeli air violations and more than 2,400 military activities in southern Lebanon, including air and ground incursions, since the ceasefire started, according to the mission’s spokesperson, Tilak Pokharel.
Hezbollah, for its part, leaves no room for doubt. The movement’s deputy leader, Naim Qassem, has repeatedly stated – most recently on Tuesday – that “we will not give up our weapons”.
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Hezbollah’s defiance may reassure its support base, but many Lebanese remain uneasy. Political parties continue to call on the movement to disarm, as part of the new government’s efforts to restore the state’s monopoly on arms. At the same time, the United Nations Security Council has not renewed Unifil’s mandate beyond 31 December 2026.
Stationed along the border since 1978, Unifil’s effectiveness has long been debated. For some residents, its withdrawal stirs fears of the worst, particularly for their economic survival.
“People have never really trusted Unifil. It didn’t prevent the war,” said Afif, a 30-year-old man from Nabatieh. “But if they leave, it will be a catastrophe – like giving Israel the green light to permanently invade us.”
Caught between diplomatic pressures and Israeli air strikes, the Lebanese live in constant fear.
In Khyam, an elderly woman summed up a sentiment shared by many in the south: “How can we allow a coloniser to occupy our lands? Even with martyrs, we will not leave.”
